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Iran Glass Industry. The flame space of the glass furnace includes the front wall, the crown, the breast wall,.

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It tries to bridge the disciplines of economics and geography. It offers good overviews of core concepts in a series of sub disciplines, ranging from the New Economic Geography NEG , urban economics, transport economics, complexity theory and international economics and FDI.

It is critical on theoretical and empirical achievements in geographical economics so far. It presents future new directions for geographical economic research.

Three general impressions of the book remain after reading: first, that this is a good and genuine attempt to cover all these sub disciplines aspects in a common spatial-economic framework namely that of geographical economics , second, that theorizing and empirical research are still miles apart and that much work remains to be done on all possible aspects, and third, that this is worthwhile doing.

A very interesting volume indeed, recommended reading for everyone interested in theorizing space in economics or working in the empirical spatial-economic research arena.

The book takes the New Economic Geography better labeled geographical economics as a starting and reference point. This body of theory is first and foremost an outcome of the creative imagination of economists and not geographers, and is rooted in international trade theory.

Summarizing its history, it is clear that prior to the development of new trade theory, traditional international trade theory was largely unable to explain either intra-industry, intra-national or intra-regional regional trade.

At the same time, gravity models suggested that most trade tended to be localized. The development of new trade theory based on the Dixit-Stiglitz modeling framework, subsequently lead to renewed interest in both localized and intra-industry trade.

These developments in international trade theory in turn lead to a renewed modeling interest in spatial economics in the form of New Economic Geography, and regional economics as a whole subsequently experienced a resurgence via a combination of the developments in both New Economic Geography and also New Growth theories.

In both of these strands of literature the dominant analytical approach is the modeling of imperfect competition and increasing returns to scale within the monopolistic competition framework of Dixit and Stiglitz, in which utility is a function of variety.

New trade theories now allowed for the modeling of trade flows within a general equilibrium framework in which the structure of demand and supply is endogenously determined.

In these models, spatial concentration and dispersion were seen to emerge as a natural consequence of market interactions involving economies of scale at the level of the individual firm, with many of the results generated by these models being reminiscent of the results of central place theory and the rank-size rule Fujita et al.

The cumulative causation characteristics of these models is in many ways akin to the processes described amongst others by Pred and in this respect the Krugman-Fujita-Venables work builds on most of the standard location theory McCann and Van Oort These types of arguments therefore provide some additional possible explanations for systematic variations in competitive advantage across regions and why it is that certain regions are able to maintain and even reinforce their advantages over other regions, once certain locations have taken a lead in a particular activity.

Neary and Martin formulated serious criticisms, stressing that theory and empirics of the New Economic Geography are both underdeveloped, let alone that they are connected.

The chapters in the book all witness this; the contributions all highlight important pitfalls, and can be seen as a constructive critique on the New Economic Geography.

The chapters are written by economists with an open mind for economic geography. Some chapters bring the empirical limitations of NEG-models explicitly to the fore.

He also tests NEG-theory against the competing theory derived from urban economics in the third chapter. The principal finding is that NEG is no better than urban economic theory as a predictor of wage variations across European regions.

Gianmarco Ottaviano compares two NEG-models — one based on factor mobility and one on vertical linkages — and he concludes that they lead to the same key predictions.

This then leads to the recommendation that the two theories somehow should be joined. In the chapter by Steven Brakman and Harry Garretsen, a test is carried out whether NEG-models are able to predict break points in economic integration for policy purposes.

And although, as mentioned above as well as in the chapter by Mark Roberts and others on productivity growth, the New Economic Geography in itself is no growth theory but rather a static-comparison model , Fabio Cerina and Francesco Pigliaru clearly show that development trajectories in NEG-models crucially depend on very restrictive values of some parameters in their model.

They convincingly argue that these are unrealistic, in the sense that they do not allow for any economies of distance and of the scale in the transportation of goods and information, as is shown to be the case in the growing empirical literatures on the geography of innovation Acs and on spatial econometrics, in which the definition on distance and network weight matrices is the most crucial element in modeling Anselin, Florax and Say From the early s onwards, urban economists and NEG-modellers have shown an increasing interest in agglomeration externalities that endogenously induce localized economic growth.

This development can mainly be ascribed to the failure of orthodox economics to give appropriate explanations for the variation in the wealth and poverty of cities and regions.

We can distinguish between three major analytical issues to which the present empirical literature on agglomeration pays insufficiently attention: spatial dependence, spatial heterogeneity and the MAUP.

Although a growing body of literature proves that spatial dependence and heterogeneity can be dealt with by means of spatial econometric techniques Anselin et al , little is known about the scale sensitivity of research results for variations in the initial unit of spatial analysis.

Despite repeated warnings of the potential influence of spatial composition and aggregation effects in the related geographical literature e.

Wrigley , the spatial economic modeling tradition on agglomeration externalities has not taken up this issue seriously.

Dewhurst and McCann show that empirical research in their case on the relation between specialization and urban hierarchy, in which smaller cities in the UK tend to be more specialized indeed is dependent on the initial scale of analysis.

It must be said that this does not comprise a full treatment of the MAUP, since that consists besides scale effects also of zoning and gerrymandering effects, and hence more research on this is needed.

A solution to these problems can be the focus on micro-level firm data Arbia , a suggestion in different contexts also made by Anna Soci in her chapter on FDI-investments in regions and by Paul Plummer and Eric Sheppard in their plea for complex spatio-temporal dynamics of firms.

The latter chapter also gives a intriguing conceptual account of complexity theory in a spatial context. The recommendations for further research in the chapters merge with the two main questions that arise from urban economic theory Cheshire and Duranton , Henderson and Thisse The first asks what the micro-foundations of agglomeration economies are, and whether insight in this question will provide useful building blocks for further modeling and theorizing.

The second asks who benefits from agglomeration economies, and to what extent. Rosenthal and Strange review a large number of studies that use cross-section data on cities typically but not exclusively in the US to relate productivity to city size.

Is this the true figure? Who benefits from it? Which industries, types of firms, in which regions? This is essential information for our understanding of urban economic and NEG-theories.

The chapters in the book themselves do not provide the answers. As the back of the dust jacket rightly states, the volume can to some extent be regarded as part of the inevitable creative destruction of NEG theory.

But as long as we are looking for answers, the theoretical and empirical criticism in the volume is constructive and needed more. Acs, Z.

Anselin, L. Florax and S. Heidelberg: Springer Verlag. Arbia, G. Cheshire, P. Duranton , Recent developments in urban and regional economics.

Cheltenham: Edward Elgar. Dixit, A. The American Economic Review , 67, pp. Fingleton, B. Krugman, P.

Journal of Political Economy 99, pp. Martin, R. Cambridge Journal of Economics 23, pp. McCann, P. In: R.

Nijkamp eds. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar forthcoming. Neary, J. Journal of Economic Literature 39, pp. Overman, H. Pred, A. Past growth, present processes and future development options.

London: Hutchinson. Rosenthal, S. In Henderson, J. Amsterdam: North Holland, pp. New York : Routledge , pages.

For at least over a decade now, the heated debate on globalization has been mapped onto complex rescaling processes in urban and regional territories.

Human geography is clearly at the frontier of such mapping exercise. They are geography and anthropology, specifically, particular branches of each.

Economic and political geography have done so especially through a critical development of scale and scaling. Against that backdrop, Amazon, Apple, Google, and Microsoft have sought to stand out in the market by offering products that meet a variety of classroom and back-office functions:.

Some of the best-known products the companies have introduced into the K market are free for teachers and students. The company gives its operating system for free to Chromebook manufacturers, which sell the hardware.

Those operating systems, which run on Chromebooks, have 58 percent of the market share , up from 38 percent two years ago.

Ray is also a former executive director of learning technology for the Metro Nashville school system.

With those disconnects in mind, she urges chief technology officers in districts to make sure they agree with chief academic officers about what digital tools are needed for instruction.

Many Chromebook functions do not require web connectivity, he said. And districts can access a lot of educational materials today through the cloud, without downloading software.

But if schools want it, some Chromebook models on the market offer more memory, he said. With Chromebooks and G Suite, Google was determined to reduce the management burden districts face in bringing new educational devices and platforms into the fold, Sheth said.

On that front, he believes Google is succeeding. And because G Suite can be accessed from the web, he added, it can work on any device with internet access—in districts that use Google devices, and those that use Microsoft or Apple tools.

The company says it has since halted that practice. Some privacy advocates question whether those steps go far enough.

Moore uses docs, slides, and Classroom—all features of G Suite—to push out assignments to, and work with, her students, all of whom have Chromebooks.

She logs in to review their work and makes suggestions. Sometimes she works with students in real time through the system, using a chat feature to exchange ideas.

Such was the case when she noticed a boy working on using persuasive techniques in making an argument about whether commercials for junk food should be used on TV.

She gave him tips on strengthening his argument. The product has at times brought frustrations. Moore said she wishes G Suite made it easier for her to design pages where students go for assignments, and to create separate assignments for different students.

Google officials say G Suite has tools that allow teachers to customize sites for their classes, and recently launched a feature that gives teachers much greater power to create assignments for individual students.

While many industry analysts compliment the simplicity of Chromebooks and G-Suite, Fisher says their popularity in K is based on something more specific.

Despite the dominance of Chromebooks in the United States, Microsoft continues to be by far the dominant provider of operating systems in the non-U.

K market, according to Futuresource Consulting. In addition to the low-cost devices it unveiled recently, it has launched Intune for Education , a management tool that Futuresource notes has many of the functions of the Google management console.

As an example, Salcito said he knows of districts that use Chromebooks with younger students, but then rely on Microsoft products for upper grades, when schools are assigning more complex tasks.

But I also believe that when customers understand the richness of our products, you get a very different reaction.

Apple recently unveiled several new products and features for the school market that at least implicitly take on Google. They include Classroom, a new iPad app designed to help teachers manage student learning; and upgrades to the latest operating system.

One big and well-resourced company that appears to be making a rapid ascension in K districts is Amazon. School districts are turning increasingly to Amazon Web Services for cloud-based storage, with the goal of cutting the costs of maintaining and updating physical servers.

In addition, school officials are buying goods through Amazon Business for Education , an online marketplace customized to serve schools.

Amazon says millions of educational products can be purchased online, from books to school furniture to computing devices. Amazon has already made big moves in the world of K procurement.

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